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Russia and Malaysia have agreed to develop ties between special economic zones, according to Malaysian Higher Education Minister Zambry Abdul Kadir. He was speaking at the fifth meeting of the Russian-Malaysian intergovernmental commission, which he co-chairs, in Vladivostok.

Kadir said that “both sides agreed to develop cooperation between special economic zones, with Malaysian representatives invited to the Fourth International SEZ Forum in Moscow, as well as joint participation in international advanced development territories in the Russian Far East.”

Malaysia has a history of developing joint venture special economic zones and has developed several successfully in Malaysia with partners from China and several ASEAN nations. These are typically light industrial areas that offer tax incentives and free trade bonded zones where component parts can be mixed and then manufactured into a finished product. In Malaysia’s case, its manufacturing sector is focused on the automotive, electrical and electronics (semiconductors) manufacturing, petroleum and chemicals, rubber and plastic products, and palm oil processing. Malaysian companies will be looking to JV with Russian companies in the semiconductor, automotive, and rubber (car tires) sectors and other electronic products.

Representatives from Malaysia’s Ministry of Investment, Trade and Industry and the Eurasian Economic Union have held formal talks exploring trade policy, logistics, and agriculture cooperation.

Kadir also said that Russia and Malaysia were developing cooperation in trade and agriculture, with plans for broader access to national markets, mutual recognition of standards between the Russian Federal Service for Veterinary and Phytosanitary Surveillance (Rosselkhoznadzor) and its Malaysian equivalent, and establishment of a direct procurement mechanism to source products from each other’s markets.

Malaysia officially became a BRICS partner country on January 1, 2025, after Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim submitted an expression of interest to join the bloc. This status allows Malaysia to engage with the economic group while balancing its foreign policy and trade relationships.

Islamabad will sign a free trade agreement with the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), although the process could take from a few months to two years, according to Pakistani Ambassador to Russia Faisal Niaz Tirmizi. He noted that there are many things Pakistan could import and export from Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus, and Kyrgyzstan, adding that “There are so many things that Pakistan can provide to this region. We can be a part of each other’s economic and food security. This is exactly the kind of connectivity we are working on, because we believe that ultimately, people-to-people contacts, economic, business, and cultural ties provide real security, peace, and integration in Eurasia.”

Pakistan is strategically located at the crossroads of Central Asia, the Middle East, and South Asia. It is a developing agro-industrial country that is among the countries with the greatest potential for economic growth in the 21st century.

The key industries are agriculture, textiles, chemicals, metallurgy, and engineering, as well as mining. The country is actively developing information technology, although the sector faces several challenges.

Agriculture is the backbone of the economy, employing approximately 42% of the workforce. The main crops are wheat, cotton, rice, sugar cane, and mangoes. The textile industry is a key export sector, accounting for about 60% of the country’s exports in 2023. Pakistan ranks fourth in the world in terms of cotton production. The chemical industry includes the production of fertilizers, plastics, and pharmaceuticals. The country also produces steel, aluminum, automobiles, and agricultural machinery. Pakistan has reserves of coal, natural gas, oil (about 300 million barrels), copper ore, chromium ore, marble, table salt, limestone, uranium, phosphates, barite, sulfur, and precious and semi-precious stones.

The country is also focusing on expanding its IT sector, becoming a growing center for software development and outsourcing. The government is working to diversify the economy and promote growth in sectors such as cement, steel, and chemicals. Pakistan’s automotive industry is expanding with increased investment, and its oil and gas sector remains essential for energy and industrial production.

Pakistan is part of several free trade agreements (FTAs) and regional trade groups that improve its access to international markets. These include the South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) and the China-Pakistan Free Trade Agreement (CPFTA), which boosts trade with China, especially in textiles, agriculture, and chemicals. The country has been a significant recipient of China’s Belt & Road Initiative investments, which have been designed to improve Pakistan’s antiquated transport and logistics architecture and help the country to industrialize. There has been occasional resistance to these projects.

Pakistan is also a member of the regional SAARC trade agreement, which includes Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, and Sri Lanka. Pakistan also enjoys trade preferences under agreements with the European Union and the United States. It is also a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and has expressed interest in BRICS, although India’s founding membership has blocked this route at present. 

With a population of around 255 million, Pakistan’s GDP PPP estimate for 2026 is US$2.17 trillion, with a GDP PPP per capita of US$5,810. In January, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) projected a 3.6% growth in Pakistan’s real GDP for the fiscal year ending in June 2026. This forecast was based on the successful completion of IMF audits, which has helped mitigate default risks and restore investor confidence.

The Russian Foreign Minister, Sergey Lavrov, has met with James Pitia Morgan, the Foreign Minister of South Sudan, in Moscow, marking the 15th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries.

They noted the traditionally friendly nature of Russia-South Sudan relations, which are based on the principles of mutual respect and consideration for each other’s interests. They reaffirmed Moscow’s and Juba’s commitment to further deepening political dialogue and expanding cooperation across various sectors.

15 years of diplomatic relations have laid the foundation for sustained political dialogue. Russia was among the first states to recognize South Sudan’s independence, while the opening of the Russian Embassy in Juba in December 2025 brought bilateral relations to a new level.

Political contacts are steadily expanding. President Salva Kiir took part in the Russia — Africa summits in 2019 and 2023 and is expected to attend the third Russia — Africa Summit in Moscow on 28 — 29 October 2026.

Economic cooperation is taking on a practical dimension. Russia and South Sudan intend to establish an intergovernmental commission and develop cooperation in energy, oil and gas, geological exploration, mining, and other sectors. In May 2026, a Russian delegation led by Roman Marshavin, the deputy minister of energy, visited South Sudan, giving impetus to the development of a bilateral partnership.

Particular attention was also paid to agriculture and food security. Russian technologies are in high demand in the development of wheat and rice production, the flour-milling industry, tea leaf processing, and the creation of South Sudan’s agricultural infrastructure.

Cultural and humanitarian cooperation are also among the priority areas. Russia is developing educational ties, promoting the Russian language and culture on the basis of local higher education institutions. In April of this year, the South Sudanese Association of Graduates of Russian Universities was established.

Russia contributes to strengthening state institutions in South Sudan. In May this year, representatives of the National Election Commission of South Sudan underwent training at the Russian Central Election Commission. The parties are also developing cooperation with the United Nations, the African Union and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), an eight-country trade bloc and regional economic community in Africa focused on development, drought mitigation, and peacebuilding.

The main emphasis of the meetings is the transition to broader practical partnership. Moscow views South Sudan as a promising partner in Africa and intends to expand cooperation in the political, economic, humanitarian, and educational spheres.

South Sudan’s economy is largely dependent on its oil and gas industry, with crude petroleum accounting for about 90% of the country’s foreign exchange earnings. However, the sector has faced significant challenges, including geopolitical issues and infrastructure constraints. The government is working to repair and resume oil pipeline operations, which are essential to the nation’s economic stability. Agriculture also plays an important role, employing a large portion of the population and contributing significantly to GDP. Key agricultural products include cotton, peanuts, gum arabic (South Sudan is one of the world’s largest producers, accounting for 75-80% of global supply), sesame seeds, and livestock. Additionally, South Sudan is rich in mineral resources, especially gold, and is the third-largest producer of gold in Africa, with annual production nearing 30 tons. The country’s manufacturing sector includes oil refining, cement production, and the production of goods like shoes and chemical fertilizers, although many factories are underutilized.

South Sudan is a member of several regional and continental free trade agreements. These include the Greater Arab Free Trade Area (GAFTA), Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA), and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), aimed at enhancing trade across Africa. The country is also part of COMESA (Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa), the League of Arab States (LAS), the East African Community, and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). South Sudan has bilateral trade agreements with neighboring countries, such as Egypt, Ethiopia, and Sudan, covering agriculture, oil, and livestock. Additionally, the country has strong economic ties with China, particularly in energy and infrastructure projects.

South Sudan is landlocked and one of the least developed countries in the world, ranking second to last in the Human Development Index, and it is also one of the poorest countries by GDP per capita.

The oilfields in South Sudan have been significant to the economy since the latter part of the 20th century. In 2023, oil constitutes more than 90% of state revenues, with the third-largest oil reserves in Sub-Saharan Africa. However, after South Sudan became an independent nation in July 2011, southern and northern negotiators have not been able to reach an agreement on how to split the revenue from these oilfields. However, with Sudan also being close to Russia, agreements may be revived, and with this, oil production increases. South Sudan also contains many natural resources such as petroleum, iron ore, copper, chromium ore, zinc, tungsten, mica, silver, gold, diamonds, hardwoods, limestone, and hydropower. The country’s economy, as in many other developing countries, is heavily dependent on agriculture.

The country’s population is approximately 12 million people. According to the IMF, its GDP in PPP terms is US$19.16 billion, and GDP per capita is US$1,540. The forecast for real GDP growth in 2026 is 4.1%.

Economic ties between Russia and South Sudan remain limited so far. According to the Russian Federal Customs Service in 2024, the volume of bilateral trade was estimated at about US$8 million. In 2025, supplies of Russian wheat to South Sudan were recorded. Estimates of Russia — South Sudan trade vary significantly across different international statistical databases, meaning a reliable final figure for 2025 hard to assess. It is unlikely to be over US$20 million. Moscow will be looking to become involved in South Sudan’s energy and minerals sectors but will need to invest. Bilateral trade growth, while small, can be expected to show cautious promise.  

Investment Protection Agreements are being worked on to prepare businesses in India, Russia and the Eurasian Economic Union members — Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan for the upcoming free trade zone between India and the EAEU. This includes new logistics corridors and a financial settlement system independent of Western sanctions, according to Russia’s Deputy Foreign Minister Andrey Rudenko.

With India and Russia alone intending to bring their mutual trade volume to US$100 billion by 2030, Moscow and New Delhi need to strengthen their transport connectivity. In particular, this includes enhancing the Vladivostok–Chennai maritime route as well as joint development of the Northern Sea Route (NSR). In June 2026, the Indian Ministry of Transport advised President Putin about the lack of interest among Russian operators in operating a direct Vladivostok–Chennai maritime line due to a shortage of specialized capacities at the departure port. A reaction from the Kremlin is sure to follow.

Also being worked on are mutual payment systems to avoid using Western financial settlements architecture. Russia and India are also preparing two key economic agreements — one to deal with mutual investment protection, while is the Free Trade Agreement itself.

Key sectors within this include machine building, agriculture, military equipment production, and high technology, as well as the digital and space sectors. The latter includes satellite and mobile communications, information security, telecommunications, digitalisation of state administration, and urban infrastructure. Back on earth, this includes submarine cable systems. Energy cooperation and production occupies a special place in bilateral cooperation. Rudenko emphasized that regular supplies of Russian oil strengthen India’s energy security and help smooth global market instability.

In the nuclear industry, construction of the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant is continuing, while Moscow and New Delhi are also selecting a new site to construct another nuclear power plant.

Coordinating all these activities — and planned future developments such as increased use of the NSR is a complex issue as the tax and trade issues all need to be catered for in multiple sectors within the pending Free Trade Agreement. The other EAEU members will also need to do the same.

In terms of what to expect, the previous Free Trade Agreement the EAEU reached was with Iran in 2024. That resulted in a 30% increase in bilateral trade with Russia and a tripling of Iranian trade with the other EAEU members. The agreement eradicated 95% of all tariffs between Iran and the EAEU. The India-EAEU trade impact is likely to be even more significant.

The Russian Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs have received requests to conclude bilateral investment treaties with numerous countries in Africa, Latin America, and Southeast Asia, as without them, the enforceability of decisions in these regions remains questionable.

At the St. Petersburg International Legal Forum, Russian lawyers have noted a trend of Russian companies moving from traditional European arbitration centres to Russian permanent arbitration institutions and platforms in the CIS, Asia, and the Middle East. The key drivers of this shift include the enforceability of decisions, geopolitical risks, and procedural speed.

During a forum session dedicated to cross-border arbitration and judicial disputes, representatives from the Russian Arbitration Centre at the Russian Institute of Modern Arbitration and the Arbitration Centre at the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs confirmed growth in international proceedings at their institutions. Valeria Senatorova, Director General of the RAC, notes an increase in complex and large-scale disputes that parties previously referred primarily to foreign authorities. Mikhail Savranskiy, Deputy Chairman of the Arbitration Centre at the RUIE, provides statistics showing a rising number of international disputes involving parties from the CIS and the Middle East.

Senatorova highlights three factors determining the choice of Russian permanent arbitration institutions: guaranteed enforceability of decisions within the Russian judicial system, the ability to conduct proceedings in both Russian and English, and the prompt resolution of technical and organizational issues through direct contact with the institutional team. Both experts agree that the cost of proceedings in Russian arbitrations is significantly lower than abroad, where registration fees can sometimes exceed the value of the claim itself.

Daniil Petrukh, Senior Lawyer and Head of International Arbitration Practice at SIBUR, states that the cost of the arbitration fee is not the deciding criterion. According to him, dispute resolution efficiency and enforcement prospects come to the fore. In this sense, he believes Russian arbitration is preferable to a Russian state court. Petrukh also emphasized the need to maintain competition among domestic arbitration institutions to improve the predictability of decisions and reduce resolution times.

Since 2022, the geography of arbitrations involving Russian entities has changed. Instead of European arbitration, contracting parties have increasingly turned to the Hong Kong International Arbitration Centre, the Singapore International Arbitration Centre, the Dubai International Arbitration Centre, and the Dubai International Financial Centre Courts. According to Petrukh’s observations, the main criteria for choosing a foreign venue are institutional neutrality and accessibility for the parties.

At the same time, the issue of Dubai arbitration institutions remains open due to political aspects and recent decisions in the Wintershall case, Petrukh notes. Experts also consider the choice of the Singapore questionable for Russian parties, as the country is included in the list of unfriendly countries, and local state courts do not always support domestic arbitration decisions. Vladimir Khvaley, a partner at Mansors law firm, adds that Singapore arbitration is currently in high demand globally and is consequently overloaded, leading to unjustifiably long dispute-resolution times.

Alexey Dudko, Senior Partner at LEVEL Legal Services, has said that an anchor jurisdiction is necessary—one that is neutral, independent, and positioned between East and West. This explains the non-governmental initiative of the BRICS countries to establish an arbitration academy, similar to the International Chamber of Commerce Academy.

The arbitration centres of the CIS countries—Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Belarus, and Uzbekistan—as well as the Cairo Regional Centre for International Commercial Arbitration, are promising for Russian business. As an example of the demand for such venues, Bishkek handled 500 international disputes over the past year.

A Russian business initiative was brought forward in the Federation Council Committee on International Affairs for systematic work by the Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to build a database of international treaties to protect Russian companies and enforce judicial decisions in the countries of the Global South—Africa, Latin America, and Southeast Asia.

Currently, Russia has no such agreements with countries in these regions, and the principles of international comity and reciprocity do not function. Vladimir Talanov, a partner at EPAM Law Office, reported that practically all foreign disputes involving Russian entities are now related to EU sanctions regulations No. 833/2014 and No. 269/2014.

Talanov said he encountered instances where European arbitrators did not always understand the nuances of specific sanctions or were completely unaware of them, resulting in a new trend: EU parties intentionally delay the process by submitting requests to the Court of Justice of the European Union to clarify anti-Russian regulations. He cited an appeal by the Riga Regional Court in a case involving Russia’s United Grain Company and a Latvian company as an example of this tactic.

Andrey Danelyan, Head of the International Law Department at the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia, has proposed creating an international legal body within the BRICS framework as an alternative to the International Criminal Court.

Both a BRICS arbitration mechanism and a clearing of the backlog of Russian bilateral investment treaties would be meaningful steps in Russia’s pivot to the Global South.

The Iraqi Ambassador to Russia, Dr. Abdul-Karim Hashim Mostafa has stated that Iraq is keen to join the BRCS group, however potential accession to BRICS depends on several factors, on how the organization is organized and the membership conditions.

Speaking to Iraqi media, he said that “BRICS is a very important organization, and I hope that Iraq one day will be part of it. But Iraq’s potential accession to BRICS depends on a lot of things. It depends on how the organization is organized, and what the conditions are. But definitely this is a good idea.”

Despite the growing interest, any official steps by Iraq toward BRICS would likely provoke opposition from the United States, who would likely attempt to pressurize Iraq not to join BRICS if it perceives the country moving closer to the association.

Russia initiated the bloc’s creation in 2006. Brazil, Russia, India, and China became its founding members, with South Africa joining in 2011. At its first summit in Yekaterinburg in June 2009, the group defined its goal as developing consistent, active, pragmatic, and open dialogue and cooperation among its member countries. It later adopted the principles of non-alignment and not being directed against third parties. Egypt, Iran, the United Arab Emirates, and Ethiopia became full members in January 2024, followed by Indonesia in January 2025. Current intra-BRICS trade is in excess of US$1 trillion.

Iraq’s largest trade partners are currently China, India, Turkiye, and the United States. 

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The Caucasus Investment Forum (KIF) 2026, held in Mineralnye Vody last month between 28-30 April 2026, represented far more than a regional economic conference. The central theme of the Forum was “Expanding the Horizons of Opportunities.” It emerged as one of the most strategically important federal investment platforms in contemporary Russia, symbolizing Moscow’s broader geopolitical and geo-economic transformation under prolonged Western sanctions, financial restrictions, and global strategic fragmentation. Hosted under the support of the Russian government, the Ministry of Economic Development, Roscongress Foundation, and KAVKAZ.RF, the event showcased the Kremlin’s ambition to transform the North Caucasus from a historically unstable and subsidy-dependent periphery into a major Eurasian connectivity hub linking Russia with the Middle East, Central Asia, South Asia, the Caspian region, and the wider Global South.

The event gathered more than 3,000 participants from 27 countries, alongside federal ministries, regional administrations, sovereign wealth funds, logistics companies, agribusiness firms, banks, industrial corporations, tourism developers, and infrastructure operators. It underscored the North Caucasus’s steady progress toward sustainable development, marked by rising investment attractiveness, stronger Eurasian ties, and increasing business participation in large-scale projects, while also shifting focus beyond economic indicators; most participating countries were from Eurasia, particularly the Middle East, CIS, and Central Asia, and with over 100 sessions and 440 speakers, the forum translated its expertise and agreements into sustained economic growth and a stronger national and international role for the region.

A central part of the Forum’s program was the meeting of the government commission on the socio-economic development of the North Caucasus Federal District. Within the KIF-2026 business program, discussions comprehensively covered tourism, agriculture, transport, industry, energy, banking, international cooperation, and humanitarian issues driving sustainable growth in the NCFD, with special emphasis on education and training, including new university programs and professional retraining to meet demand for skilled specialists.

As the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation, Mikhail Mishustin noted, the North Caucasus occupies an increasingly important place in the Russian economy. Investor interest is growing; for example, the volume of capital investments last year increased by 10% to approach ₽1.5 trillion (US$21.2 billion). Russian authorities also stated that more than 62 agreements worth around ₽400 billion  (US$5.5 billion) were signed during the forum, while previous editions collectively generated agreements exceeding ₽460 billion (US$6.2 billion).

KIF 2026 illustrated how Russia increasingly sees the North Caucasus as a strategic economic gateway central to Moscow’s post-Western Eurasian strategy. The forum strongly reflected the Kremlin’s effort to redirect capital flows, logistics chains, financial partnerships, and geopolitical alignments away from Europe toward Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and broader Global South economies. In this sense, KIF 2026 became both an economic event and a geopolitical signal demonstrating that Russia is actively constructing alternative commercial and financial ecosystems beyond the Western sphere.

The 22 May 2026 meeting of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) Council of Heads of Government in Ashgabat, Turkmenistan, officially framed as a routine Commonwealth meeting focused on economic cooperation and institutional coordination, in reality exposed a much deeper structural transformation unfolding across Eurasia.

The summit revealed how the CIS is gradually transforming into a pragmatic Eurasian economic coordination platform centered on transport corridors, industrial digitalization, logistics sovereignty, geospatial governance, mineral supply chains, and trade resilience amid intensifying global fragmentation.

In recent years, the CIS has increasingly evolved from a legacy post-Soviet political framework into a practical geoeconomic platform centered around transport integration, industrial modernization, digital governance, logistics sovereignty, strategic mineral supply chains, customs digitization, agricultural security, energy coordination, and sanctions-resistant continental trade.

The CIS Free Trade Agreement (2011), signed by Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, and Ukraine, reduced or eliminated tariffs on thousands of goods, replacing the 1994 framework. The CIS Agreement on Free Trade in Services (2023), involving Russia, Armenia, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, promotes cross-border services and investment liberalization.

The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), including Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Armenia, represents deeper integration with a unified customs code and common external tariff; collectively, these developments show that CIS countries are now focusing on deeper economic integration.

The summit gathered Azerbaijani Prime Minister (PM) Ali Asadov, Belarus PM Alexander Turchin, Kazakh PM Olzhas Bektenov, Kyrgyz PM Adylbek Kasymaliev, Russian PM Mikhail Mishustin, Tajik PM Kokhir Rasulzoda, Uzbek PM Abdulla Aripov, Turkmen Deputy PM Hojamyrat Geldimyradov, Armenian representative Razmik Khumaryan, and CIS Secretary-General Sergei Lebedev. Turkmenistan hosted the summit during its 2026 CIS chairmanship year, while President Serdar Berdimuhamedov separately held audiences with delegation heads before formal meetings began.

What emerged from Ashgabat is the rise of a functional Eurasian economic governance architecture increasingly driven by logistics security, sanctions adaptation, industrial sovereignty, technological modernization, and continental connectivity.

The meetings, held in both restricted and expanded formats, ultimately resulted in the adoption of a comprehensive package of agreements aimed at building a sustainable, technologically advanced, and secure Eurasian economic ecosystem. The delegation leaders focused heavily on the practical implementation of the CIS Economic Development Strategy through 2030 while simultaneously aligning long-term integration efforts with newly approved development strategies extending toward 2035.

This demonstrates that the CIS is increasingly being repositioned around seven interconnected pillars: transport corridor integration, industrial digitalization, strategic resource coordination, geospatial governance, logistics resilience, energy modernization, and technological sovereignty.

The economic component of the discussions focused heavily on innovative development and digital transformation. The introduction of intelligent platforms in trade and logistics was identified as a critical mechanism for increasing the competitiveness of CIS products on global markets, reducing administrative barriers, accelerating paperless customs systems, and streamlining export-import procedures across Eurasia.

At the same time, the parties outlined a comprehensive modernization agenda for the industrial sector. Specifically, leaders discussed digital transformation in mining and metallurgy, joint projects in the chemical and textile industries, cooperation in geodesy and cartography, geoinformation technologies, spatial data infrastructure, and construction-materials manufacturing. The attendees approved the strategy for Exhibition and Congress Activities in the CIS for the period until 2030 and the Interstate Radionavigation Programme for 2027-2030.

The summit also highlighted growing energy-sector coordination. The participating governments emphasized joint development of electric power infrastructure, deployment of energy-efficient technologies, grid modernization, and the launch of pilot renewable-energy projects. This reflected a broader realization that Eurasian energy integration is increasingly extending beyond hydrocarbons toward electricity interconnection, industrial electrification, and sustainable energy systems.

A major outcome was the signing of the Concept for the Integration of Major Transport Arteries Passing through the Territories of the CIS Member States. The agreement aims to improve the speed, accessibility, security, and quality of transit freight transportation while simplifying export-import operations across the Commonwealth. The concept effectively institutionalized the long-term integration of railways, multimodal logistics hubs, customs infrastructure, and transcontinental freight systems across the Eurasian landmass.

Another major agenda item focused on coordination in ecology, water conservation, agricultural cooperation, and regional food security. Climate volatility, water stress, fertilizer supply disruptions, and food inflation are increasingly pushing CIS governments toward integrated agricultural planning and resource coordination. The humanitarian dimension was also elevated as a core pillar of integration. The CIS officially designated 2026 as the Year of Health in the Commonwealth. Delegates discussed targeted programs for exchanging medical technologies, healthcare practices, epidemiological coordination, and the creation of regional “sanitary shield” mechanisms against future pandemics and biological threats.

The summit additionally approved new Youth Capitals of the Commonwealth. Minsk was designated CIS Youth Capital for 2027, while Karaganda in Kazakhstan received the status for 2028. These initiatives aim to expand educational exchanges, startup ecosystems, youth innovation forums, scientific cooperation, and long-term social integration across the region.

Following the conclusion of the high-level meeting, CIS Secretary-General Sergei Lebedev emphasized the high organizational level of the Ashgabat summit and stated that the adopted decisions would serve as a major catalyst for accelerating integration processes across the Commonwealth. The next meeting of the CIS Council of Heads of Government is scheduled for December 2026 in Moscow.  

The Ashgabat summit reflected a much more operational and outcome-oriented agenda. Several factors explain why the 2026 meeting carried unusual strategic importance.

First, Eurasian trade geography is rapidly changing. Continued disruptions in the Red Sea, instability around maritime chokepoints, sanctions fragmentation, rising freight insurance costs, and geopolitical tensions across the Indo-Pacific are increasing the attractiveness of overland Eurasian corridors.

Second, CIS economies are now more interconnected commercially than many external observers recognize. Trade among CIS countries has expanded steadily since 2022, especially in industrial goods, machinery, agriculture, logistics, metals, chemicals, energy equipment, fertilizers, rail transport, and consumer goods.

Third, the summit occurred amid accelerating competition over industrial supply chains and critical minerals. The CIS collectively controls enormous reserves of uranium, copper, rare metals, titanium, natural gas, aluminum, potash, gold, ferroalloys, and hydrocarbons.

Fourth, digital governance is becoming a new integration mechanism. The summit’s focus on paperless customs, geospatial infrastructure, radionavigation, mining digitalization, and logistics digitization showed how technological integration is gradually replacing older ideological integration models.

Fifth, the Ashgabat agreements demonstrated that the CIS is moving beyond general economic coordination toward sector-specific institutionalization. The approval of transport integration concepts, mining digitalization roadmaps, radionavigation programs, exhibition strategies, and science-and-technology development frameworks indicates the emergence of a more structured Eurasian governance architecture.

Finally, the summit exposed how Eurasian states are quietly building parallel economic coordination systems outside Western-controlled financial, technological, and logistical networks.

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Russian President Vladimir Putin has signed a law that ratifies a free trade agreement between the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and its member states Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Russia on one side, and Indonesia.

The agreement, originally signed in St. Petersburg on December 21, 2025, ensures preferential terms for approximately 90% of commodities in all foreign trade.

It lays down the terms for further development and deepening of trade and economic cooperation between the EAEU and Indonesia in areas of mutual interest, including processing industries, agriculture, energy, information and telecommunication technologies, research and development, digital development, technical regulations, sanitary and phytosanitary measures, and customs regulations.

Article 2.2 of the agreement provides for the granting of the most favored regime for the sides’ goods with certain exceptions.

Russia’s bilateral trade with Indonesia rose 21.7% in 2025 to reach US$4.8 billion. Russia exports strategic commodities essential for Indonesian industries, including coal, fertilizers, and steel products, and imports Indonesia’s top-tier agricultural and estate exports, such as palm oil, coffee, coconut products, and cocoa. This growth can be expected to both continue and diversify.

The agreement establishes a preferential trade regime for the vast majority of goods, covering more than 98% of bilateral trade between Indonesia and Russia, which significantly reduces trade costs and increases competitiveness. At the same time, the average duty on Russian products exported to Indonesia is reduced by more than half, from 8% to 3.2%. For the vast majority of products, the duty will be zero, including fertilizers, ferrous metals, aluminum, cod, beans, flour confectionery, coffee concentrates, coal, petroleum products, and medicines.

Indonesia is both a member of BRICS and one of the largest economies in Southeast Asia with a population approaching 300 million.

Approximately 90% of goods exchanged between the two parties will become tariff-free.

Indonesian exports of palm oil, textiles, coffee, and other agricultural and manufactured products entering EAEU markets with a 0% duty are a game-changer for exporters targeting consumption growth in Russia and Central Asia. EAEU goods that will receive preferential access to the Indonesian market include polymers, fertilizers, energy products, dump trucks, pipes, metals, and non-ferrous metal products, as well as a wide range of electrical and mechanical equipment.

Economically, this is not just about tariff elimination but about the removal of trade costs, improved logistics integration, and streamlined customs procedures, essential components for a robust regional market. This reflects longstanding economic research showing that trade facilitation and infrastructure integration are critical drivers of export growth and GDP gains for middle-income economies, highlighting the importance of coordinated logistics, customs harmonization, and transport efficiency. Trade cost reductions can significantly elevate competitiveness, stimulate export diversification, and generate investment inflows.

The Indonesia-EAEU trade pact could become a model for countries across South and Southeast Asia, the Middle East, and Africa. By reducing tariffs on key exports and imports, it paves the way for deeper economic integration with Russia and Eurasia. Agricultural and manufactured goods from Indonesia will gain wider market access, boosting regional supply chains. EAEU products, from energy to industrial equipment, will similarly reach Indonesian consumers more easily. This agreement signals a new wave of trade globalization, inspiring other nations to pursue similar partnerships. The EAEU-Indonesia deal could inspire economic centres like India, Pakistan, Thailand, Malaysia, the Gulf, African, and Middle Eastern countries to pursue similar agreements with the EAEU. Such partnerships would expand trade networks, strengthen regional integration, and boost global economic connectivity.

This appears to be precisely what is happening — the EAEU already has free trade agreements with China, Iran, Mongolia, Serbia, Singapore, the United Arab Emirates, and Vietnam and is negotiating agreements with Egypt, India, Thailand, Tunisia, and Uzbekistan.

The Russian president, Vladimir Putin, has signed a bill ratifying an intergovernmental agreement on services trade and investments between Russia and the UAE.

The intergovernmental agreement was signed in Moscow on August 7, 2025, and is aimed towards the mutual liberalization of access to the services market, allowing service providers from Russia and the UAE to conduct business beyond the obligations taken on by the parties under the corresponding World Trade Organization (WTO) agreement.

The implementation of this will improve access to Russian services and service providers on the UAE market across a greater number of sectors than those covered by the WTO agreement. It will also allow for the creation of new value chains for trade infrastructure and make it possible to set up companies in the UAE using 100% Russian capital in certain services sectors. The agreement will bring about an expansion in bilateral goods trade, which is currently conducted in accordance with a free trade agreement (FTA) signed by the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and its member states and the UAE, while simplifying access to accompanying services—finance, transportation, logistics, consulting, and more. In 2025, bilateral trade in goods reached a historic high of over $12 billion, making the UAE one of Russia’s top 10 trade partners. Trade in services has risen seven-fold over the past 5 years and now exceeds commodity trade.

The agreement will permit Russian companies to hold 100% shares in the capital of UAE companies in sectors such as legal services, computer services, research and development, technical trials and analysis, technical consulting for computer reservation services, ship and aircraft repairs, passenger and freight rail transport, production-related services and management services.

They will be permitted to hold a 70% share in the capital of UAE companies engaged in complex engineering services, medicine and dentistry; rental services for unmanned vessels or other transport equipment; and passenger and marine transportation. In all of the service sectors for which the UAE has taken on specific obligations, excluding finance, telecoms, and travel agent and tour operator services, Russian companies will be able to open their own branches. Russian investors will also be given the right to found companies with 100% Russian capital in certain free trade areas of the UAE, in sectors such as finance, medicine, and news agency services.

As part of the new agreement, the UAE is taking on obligations for 64 subsectors of the services market not covered by its obligations under the WTO agreement, versus 12 additional subsectors for Russia.

UAE companies will be given the right to hold 100% shares in the capital of Russian companies that provide hospital services, repair and maintenance services for marine vessels, catering services for marine transport, rental services for manned vessels, certain air transport services, higher education, and other educational services. UAE companies will be able to open their own branches in sectors including retail trade, hotels and restaurants, and aircraft repairs and maintenance, as well as provide architectural, recruitment, and cinema services without restriction.